Discussion Questions

David says he wanted to “go straight to the horse’s mouth” by reading Christians before Constantine; what does that approach assume about how God preserves truth in the church after the apostles, and what risks or safeguards come with treating early post-apostolic writings as decisive evidence? JumpstartAnother way to ask: When David reads Christians from right after the apostles, what is he assuming about how God keeps the church’s teaching true over time? What are the dangers and the protections in treating those early writings as the final word?

In Justin Martyr’s *First Apology* (addressed to Emperor Antoninus Pius), David leans heavily on the idea that the emperor “would have known” Roman crucifixion; how does that audience-context strengthen (or potentially weaken) Justin’s argument about what *stauros* meant in the Roman world? JumpstartAnother way to ask: Since Justin wrote to a Roman emperor who knew crucifixion, how does that help (or hurt) Justin’s point about what “stauros” meant in Roman times?

Justin calls the cross “the greatest symbol of his power and position” and then points to sails, plows, tools, the human form, and Roman banners; what does this way of reasoning suggest about how early Christians saw God’s fingerprints in ordinary life, and how comfortable should Christians be with arguing from “common observation” like Justin does? JumpstartAnother way to ask: What does Justin’s use of everyday things (sails, plows, tools, bodies, banners) say about how early Christians saw signs of God in normal life? How comfortable should Christians be using “everyone can see this” arguments like that?

David notes that pagans accused Christians of worshiping crosses because Christians sometimes inscribed the cross shape; what does that imply about how openly early Christians used the cross symbol, and how does that challenge modern instincts to avoid symbols for fear of misunderstanding or accusations of idolatry? JumpstartAnother way to ask: If pagans accused Christians of worshiping crosses because Christians drew cross shapes, what does that say about how openly early Christians used the cross symbol? How does that challenge today’s fear of using symbols because people might misunderstand?

Tertullian’s line about “the transverse beam and its projecting seat” is unusually specific; how does that level of detail confront the Jehovah’s Witness claim of a simple upright stake, and what does it reveal about how early Christians talked about Jesus’ death with concreteness rather than abstraction? JumpstartAnother way to ask: How does Tertullian’s detailed description of the cross challenge the Jehovah’s Witness idea of a simple upright stake? What does it show about how early Christians described Jesus’ death in a concrete way?

David mentions early Christians interpreting Moses’ outstretched arms (in the battle with Amalek) as prefiguring the cross; what does that typological reading reveal about their assumptions when reading the Old Testament, and how might this method challenge modern evangelical habits of interpretation? JumpstartAnother way to ask: When early Christians saw Moses’ raised arms as pointing to the cross, what does that show about how they read the Old Testament? How might that challenge how many evangelicals read the Bible today?

The Alexamenos graffiti (a donkey-headed figure on a cross with “Alexamenos worships his God”) is presented as pagan mockery that still confirms the cross shape; what does this tell us about how the surrounding culture perceived Christians and their crucified Messiah, and what modern forms of “respectability” might this confront? JumpstartAnother way to ask: What does the Alexamenos graffiti show about how non-Christians viewed Jesus being crucified and Christians worshiping him? What modern need to seem “respectable” might that challenge?

David argues Jehovah’s Witnesses adopted the “stake” doctrine under Rutherford around 1930, influenced by Hislop’s *The Two Babylons*; what does that historical shift suggest about how doctrinal changes can function to shape group identity, and how should Christians test whether a teaching is forming loyalty to Christ or loyalty to an organization? JumpstartAnother way to ask: If the Jehovah’s Witness “stake” teaching started around 1930 and helped set them apart, what does that say about how groups use doctrine to build identity? How can Christians check if a teaching is building loyalty to Christ or to an organization?

David calls Hislop’s reasoning “guilt by association” and compares it to atheist arguments about pagan parallels; where do you see modern Christians (including evangelicals) still using guilt-by-association logic in debates about worship practices, holidays, symbols, or church traditions, and what would change if we rejected that logic consistently? JumpstartAnother way to ask: Where do you see Christians today using “guilt by association” in arguments about worship styles, holidays, symbols, or church traditions? What would change if we stopped using that kind of reasoning across the board?

David challenges the Watchtower claim about “no archaeological wooden crosses” by arguing “wood rots” and “wood gets reused,” and he connects this to Jesus carrying the cross as a temporary instrument; what does this teach about how Christians should weigh physical archaeology versus textual and historical testimony, and how might this reshape the way you evaluate apologetic arguments you’ve trusted? JumpstartAnother way to ask: What does David’s point about wood rotting or being reused teach us about weighing archaeology against written and historical sources? How might that change how you judge apologetics arguments you’ve believed before?